ScholarWorks@숙명여자대학교

초록

The purpose of this paper is to show that an accurate characterization of the phonological behavior of /p/-irregular stems in Korean is indeed at hand within OT. The work begins by unveiling the conditioning factor governing the alternation of [p]~[w]~[k]. The conclusion to be drawn is that the alternation is completely regular and predictable. It will be claimed that constriction locations of the relevant output segments help to establish the input form. The ranking paradox of faithfulness constraints is discussed that happens when syllable-final simplification and place assimilation are considered together. Such considerations lead to the argument in favor of analyzing the behavior of /p/-irregular stems as deriving from the activation of PRECEDENCE constraint in the sense of McCarthy(2007). A distinction is drawn between syllable-final simplification and onset-to-coda place assimilation in terms of different class nodes: the former spreads constriction node while the latter spreads place node. The PRECEDENCE enforces the former to precede the latter, by requiring the faithfulness violation of velar constriction to be preceded by that of labial constriction. It will be shown that the prediction of place assimilation patterns remains intact. If this is indeed correct, we are led to the conclusion that the phonological behaviors of the /p/-irregular stems are no longer irregular or unpredictable.

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