Goal PPs and their Eventuality

Abstract

I argue in this paper that Korean directional SVCs license telic accomplishment interpretation, which is derived by the interaction of V1, directional V2, and a goal PP. The goal PP functions as a secondary resultative predicate and contributes to bounded reading of the whole sentence, whether its head is -ey or -(u)lo. Discussing telic behavior of directional SVCs with an -(u)lo PP, I claim that their (a)telicity is not straightforwardly judged by the presence of the -(u)lo PP. The -(u)lo PP can denote either an unbounded directional path or a bounded goal path, which is determined by the combinatory work of [PP-V1-V2] usually with a semantic or pragmatic contribution of other lexical items. I also discuss aspectual properties and structural differences of directional SVCs, based on Ramchand's (2009) first-phase event structure syntax.